Liz Harrington, the longtime spokesperson for former President Donald Trump’s campaign, delivered a crucial analysis of the disputed 2020 Georgia election on The War Room on Wednesday.
This is the most comprehensive investigative piece on the fraudulent election in Georgia to date.
There is no way you can read this thorough analysis and not believe that Georgia was stolen from President Donald Trump in 2020. It took numerous dishonest individuals to make it happen.
How Georgia Was Stolen by Liz Harrington, read on as the story unfolds, paragraph by paragraph:
It was noon on Dec. 3, 2020, and Richard Barron had a problem.
The 2020 Presidential Election results, already declared by the deep state to be the “most secure in American history,” had just undergone a machine recount in Georgia. Fulton County was meeting to certify the results in less than 24 hours, and the then-Elections Director was more than 17,000 votes short.
Joe Biden, a despised corrupt career politician who had been running for president (and failing spectacularly) since 1987, allegedly received the most votes for president in U.S. history, yet simultaneously could only sneak by in Georgia by some 13,558 votes. It didn’t add up, and neither did the numbers in Fulton County. The first machine count had dragged on for days after Nov. 4, the day Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger promised the counting would be finished and President Trump’s over 103,000 vote lead was insurmountable. The 17,234 votes Fulton County had to come up with were important.
“The recount, we concluded that on Wednesday night [Dec. 2],” Barron said at the Fulton Election Board meeting to certify the results. “We submitted our results and then yesterday the state allowed us to do reconciliation. The results changed.”
That was an understatement.
When you have a problem like a 17,000 vote discrepancy in an election you’re claiming was decided by less than 13,000 votes, who do you call? The Elections Group, of course. They seemed to pop up everywhere, out of nowhere, in 2020. Setting up drop boxes and training election officials in Madison, Wisconsin. Programming the machines in Maricopa County, Arizona. Its members briefing CISA on how to “#PROTECT2020.” Protect it from whom?
Barron sent an email to Ryan Macias, of the Elections Group, at 12:13 p.m. There was no subject and nothing in the body of the email, only a file attached, a very important file, entitled, “Batches Loaded Report.”
Three and a half years after that email was sent, the Georgia State Election Board heard the results of an investigation into the recount, and confirmed Fulton County violated election rules.
The evidence brought by independent investigators showed over 20,000 ballots were inserted into both the original results and the second machine count out of thin air. Simply put, Fulton County did not have the paper ballots to justify their original results, and they got caught. Of course, investigators and lawyers from Brad Raffensperger’s Secretary of State office, who handled the investigation into the complaint, claimed otherwise. Don’t worry about the electronic record of the votes (which are counted…electronically), they said, we have the paper ballots — they just won’t let anyone else see them. And Fulton County is seeking to destroy them. Sure, the investigation confirmed there are missing ballot images and duplicate ballots. Were they counted? Who’s to say? It’s not like they could go check the cast vote record and the paper ballots. Oh, wait.
The mantra during the hours-long review of the case at the Georgia State Capitol last month was, “Let’s just move on.” Tell that to President Donald J. Trump and 18 others who Fulton County is trying to put in jail over the 2020 Election.
It was something to behold. The “experts” from the Secretary of State’s office tried to characterize the complainants as plebes and know-nothings, while exposing that they know next to nothing about their own elections. They say what they’re told to say. Despite their efforts to discredit the complaint, they were forced to admit the truth: Fulton County does not have supporting documentation to back up its election results in 2020.
Charlene McGowan, the general counsel for the Secretary of State, admitted as much when she said ballot images are “part of the paper trail that we use to confirm the accuracy of the results.”
All in-person votes in Fulton County, roughly 375,000, have no ballot images from the original results, and, according to the complaint, there are 17,852 missing ballot images from the recount. Statewide, there were 1.7 million ballot images missing or destroyed after the Election. By McGowan’s own admission, Georgia does not have a paper trail to justify its results.
McGowan confirmed ballot images are still missing, and duplicate ballots were scanned, they just didn’t bother to check if they were counted, which would have been easy to do since they were given a list of the exact ballots with corresponding batch numbers. They didn’t want to have to reveal the answer. According to the cast vote record, they were.
The Secretary of State’s office passed the blame off to Fulton County, which they said “used improper procedures” during the machine recount. They never addressed how it was their own office that ordered Fulton to reconcile the count when it was off by over 17,000. Yes, Fulton County did send its results to an outside group, but that was okay because he was a paid consultant, according to a memorandum the state investigators did not produce publicly. It was the same for all their claims. Nothing was made public, and the complainants were not allowed to address the board, outside a two minute public comment period. Investigate yourselves, keep the findings hidden, and allow no rebuttal. Nice work if you can get it.
Even the newly-appointed Republican Board member Rick Jeffares, hand-picked by Lt. Governor Burt Jones, was conveniently missing from the proceedings, leaving Dr. Janice Johnston the sole member to ask tough questions and offer motions for accountability, none of which were seconded.
The rest of the Board seemed content, along with Fulton County and the Secretary of State, to brush the whole thing under the rug.
“There is a concept called res judicata, which is the civil equivalent of double jeopardy,” said Sara Tindall Ghazal, a Democrat Board member, wincing, when the fact that the hand count audit, which was the second count of the ballots, also included thousands of duplicates and false Biden votes, was brought up. “We have already heard this. It has been done. It is finished.”
The only problem is, no one has been held accountable or prosecuted once over the stolen 2020 Presidential Election, let alone twice, except, of course, those who objected to it. And if America is to have free and fair elections again, the matter is far from over.
Case Number 2023-025
It has been nearly 2 years since Joseph Rossi and Kevin Moncla sent an official complaint to the State Election Board, revealing Fulton County had “no physical ballots” for the votes it added to the recount. In all, Rossi, a retired PepsiCo executive and chemical engineer, and Moncla, an independent investigative journalist, discovered there were at least 42,000 votes in the certified count of the 2020 Presidential Election that have no actual paper trail, including duplicate votes, and over 20,000 from tabulators that “do not exist.”
Rossi and Moncla are emblematic of the countless patriots who have dedicated their lives since November 2020 to getting transparency and accountability to America’s voting systems. That transparency and accountability is sorely lacking in Georgia, and in Fulton County, in particular. Election after election, Georgia certifies and re-certifies results that are tangential to reality. Close races turn into unbelievable landslides, and landslides turn into unbelievably close results. Outcomes are flipped, and only discovered if you’re lucky enough to get a real hand count. Years after the fact, it might come out that Fulton County’s results were “incomplete,” or they will cop to a consent order (the underlying facts of which reveals they counted at least 4,081 false votes for Joe Biden), and agree to “implement written policies” and “train all of its election staff.” But nothing ever changes. The results are whatever they say they are, regardless of the facts and evidence.
The evidence shows President Trump won Georgia. That was a problem for the powers that be, so the count was dragged out, and results were exchanged in order to create margins necessary for Biden to overcome a landslide defeat. When by 5 p.m. on Election Day in Atlanta only 14,152 people had showed up to vote, they knew they had a problem. That’s the turnout equivalent of filling a dozen circles at a campaign rally. They were not going to have the votes to overcome President Trump’s massive lead, even with their drop box stuffing on the front end, and their “QR Code mismatch” error, skimming rural Republican votes off the top. This is why there are no ballot images for in-person voting in Fulton County. This is why they kept scanning late at night after observers had left, “so the number would go up.” This is why none of the early in-person votes were witnessed to and signed, why their machine seals were broken, the memory cards swapped out, and their “results” were printed on different tabulators. This is why the records they do have show 4,000 absentee ballots were scanned at the exact same time. This is why after three counts, they ended up with three different results. And this is why the last two, both the hand count audit and the certified second machine count, had to rely on thousands of duplicate votes in order to try to replicate their first bogus result.
Rossi and Moncla’s complaint makes this obvious. The State Election Board assigned case number SEB2023-025 to the complaint in April 2023. After slow-walking the investigation for months, it was finally set to be heard on December 19, when at the eleventh hour it was pulled from the Board meeting’s agenda. Raffensperger’s general counsel took the investigation over, and five months later, the Secretary of State’s office was finally ready to unveil its cover up.
‘It Did Not Come Up With the Same Number…’
Results of the second machine count were due by midnight on Dec. 2, 2020. Fulton County announced it had completed the recount at 12:52 a.m. But they didn’t have enough ballots. Twelve hours later, Barron was sending the insufficient totals to someone who was not an employee of Fulton County, the Secretary of State, or any office in the state of Georgia. Instead, he was sending the results, which came nowhere close to matching the original count, to the “Elections Group,” a shadowy outfit that showed up in 2020 in very select places that happened to be the most important election offices in the country.
By 11:15 p.m. the next evening, the news media was reporting there were “about 3,200 votes outstanding” in Fulton County, a number eerily close to the 3,125 duplicates that would end up in the final count. The Batches Loaded Report — which contains the actual results as recorded as the votes are scanned — from the same day showed a 17,234 ballot shortfall. The media was checking the results on the Secretary of State’s website, which hadn’t been “updated since earlier in the evening.” But where were these numbers coming from, if not the Batches Loaded Report, which is what Dominion uses to total the results, and shows when they were loaded into the server? Perhaps it was a second Batches Loaded Report, obtained by Moncla via a public records request for the Recount Batches Loaded Report, that showed Fulton County had managed to add over 16,000 votes to the total, but yielded yet a different result, at 527,741 votes, than the 511,543 of the first report, and the 527,925 Fulton County ultimately certified. As Dr. Johnston said, “I would think that the third count…that took those very same ballots, and ran them through the big [ImageCast Central] ICC fast scanners, should have come up with the same number, and it did not come up with the same number.”
This second Batches Loaded Report shows 13,000 early in-person votes were scanned between 10 p.m. and midnight on Dec. 2. But that’s impossible, according to the Batches Loaded Report Barron sent to Macias. Those votes were not there, and it was processed at 12:06 p.m. on Dec. 3, after those votes were supposedly scanned. Someone was fudging the numbers.
‘I didn’t go that far with this.’
**Read more of this HERE**
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